Belgium's political deadlock is a topic that fascinates and frustrates. Already the separation of powers between local, regional, and federal authorities takes some explaining and then the interplay between the institutions multiplies the complexity again.
The theory that underlies the convoluted systems that try to balance French and Dutch -language MPs, ensure an even representation of genders, and prevent the far-right from entering the executive fold, is enthralling. But applying these principles is actually a huge headache and the stalemate that has paralysed Belgium for six months is neither fun nor helpful. Honestly, it's getting rather boring.
And whilst Bart De Wever will for the 13th time report to the King this afternoon on the (lack of) progress in forming a Federal Government, the Brussels government is perhaps even further from taking shape. Whilst Flanders and Wallonia both have regional governments, the Capital Region is a different kettle of fish, with 72 seats accorded to the majority francophone representatives and 17 to their Dutch-speaking counterparts.
Right now negotiations are stalled, stuck on a numerical problem in the Dutch college with just three ministerial positions available but four parties joining forces to reach a majority. Exasperated by the lack of progress, the Flemish liberals Open VLD claimed moral superiority in lending their seats to the coalition whilst accepting to forego a ministerial post. But despite this act of diplomatic altruism – which had many parties confident that a government would be formed within weeks – Brussels is still waiting.
Being without leadership is always undesirable but now is unusually damaging, as the geopolitical tables turn and financial security can no longer be the office of the EU alone. Belgium's deficits are ballooning; the interest alone is burning a hole in the public pocket and Brussels seriously needs some decision on how it will navigate the painful path to sustainable finances.
Given the imperatives of the day, and given how long governments in Belgium can take to form, perhaps it might also be time to consider a system better equipped to deliver a legitimate executive promptly. As Belgian philosopher Philippe Van Parijs points out in this excellent overview of how Brussels gets a government, the current model was developed for a society that no longer exists.
Philippe outlines how Brussels’ political debate is no longer dominated by the divide between Dutch and French speakers. "It has now been superseded by divides between car drivers and cyclists and between laïcs and Muslims."
An alternative model that would simplify the infuriating balancing act would be to implement bilingual lists, essentially making it easier to allocate seats to parties in both colleges. It's a proposal that has been voiced by the formator of the Dutch-speaking college. But it's also a change that can't help Brussels out of its present predicament. Those electoral reforms will be for the next government, whenever that is.
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